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Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Sun May 16, 2010 5:10 pm

On Island of Massacre, Chams Remember
Pich Samnang, VOA Khmer | Kampong Cham, Cambodia Monday, 26 April 2010

Photo: AP
Cambodian Muslims, known as Chams, bow during Friday prayers at the Noorul Isant mosque, north of Phnom Penh.
“The Khmer Rouge collected our Quran for burning and cut women’s hair."
On an island in the Mekong River in Krouch Chhmar district, about 50 km from Kampong Cham provincial town, lies a Cham village that is little more than a few bamboo, thatched-roof houses.

The village is on Koh Phal, or “Island of Harvest,” where Cham Muslims resisted the Khmer Rouge in an uprising in September 1975, just five months after the radical Maoists took power in Cambodia.

“The reason for the rebellion was that there was no more Islam,” Chet Sman, a 75-year-old widower and the head of one of the four families living here, told VOA Khmer in an interview recently. “The Khmer Rouge collected our Quran for burning and cut women’s hair, including my mother’s. This is the reason.”

Chet Sman sat in front of an old black-and-white TV in his cottage, smoking tobacco and describing the uprising, which led to a massacre of the Chams on the island. These killings, and others like them, will be a part of the Khmer Rouge tribunal’s upcoming trial against four jailed leaders of the regime.

The Khmer Rouge shut down mosques, forbid prayer and abolished head-covering for women, he said. They also forced the Chams to raise pigs and eat the pork, a deeply offensive act to the traditional Muslims.

Before the Chams of Koh Phal were pushed to rebellion, the Khmer Rouge went house to house, collecting swords, knives and other tools that might be used as weapons, Chet Sman said. But many villagers hid theirs, or quickly constructed new ones, as they decided to resist.

“The desperate villagers who dared fight against the Khmer Rouge with their swords or bamboo wanted to die as our religion disappeared,” he said, his own long knife and axes lying nearby.

In response, the Khmer Rouge surrounded the island with artillery and weapons. Within a week, they had killed the rebellious villagers, burned down their homes, religious schools and mosques and then turned the name of Koh Phal to Koh Phes, or “Island of Ashes.”

Then, two weeks later, Cham villagers in Svay Klaing, 10 kilometers away, rose up as well, after their teachers and religious leaders were arrested by the Khmer Rouge. Many more were killed in a single day and night.

Ysa Osman, author of “The Cham Rebellion,” which chronicles the uprisings, said the Khmer Rouge then sent survivors to four prisons in Kroach Chhmar district, in areas prone to malaria.

“At that time, there were not enough prisons to put people in, as there were thousands of people both young and old,” he said in an interview last week. “So the Khmer Rouge used schools and pagodas as detention centers for the rebellious villagers.”

Among an estimated 1.7 million people who were killed or died of starvation, overwork or torture under Democratic Kampuchea, an estimated 500,000 are believed to be Chams, according to the Documentation Center of Cambodia.

In late 2009, the UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal added the charge of genocide for four former Khmer Rouge leaders awaiting trials. The four, Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan, Ieng Sary and Ieng Thirith, had previously been charged with crimes against humanity, murder, torture and religious persecutions.

As part of the trial, which could begin next year, Yusos Pinyamin, a survivor of the Svay Klaing massacre, was among those who have filed complaints as civil parties, and he said recently he wants justice done more quickly.

He worries the old leaders will die before they see trial.

“I knew that I could not win, but it was not worth living any longer,” the 56-year-old “hakim,” or village elder, said of the 1975 rebellion. “I was so desperate that I could not wait to be killed.”

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Tue May 18, 2010 5:24 pm

kesimpulannya KHMER MERAH KAMBOJA pimpinan POLPOT sudah menyadari bahaya Islam 30 tahun lampau sebelum teror islam merajelela di Filipina, Indonesia, Thailand
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Postby yvptgxj » Tue May 18, 2010 6:32 pm

Kok mirip dengan kekejaman yg dilakukan arab muslim thp orang2 pribumi afrika di jaman lampau (sebelum barat mengkolonisasi afrika).
Lupa Diri
Lupa Diri
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Fri Jun 04, 2010 7:27 pm

The People Persist

Written and photographed by Bill Strubbe

Hemmed in by popular nightclubs with names like Apocalypse Now and Hard Rock Cafe Saigon, and by a construction site heralding yet another hotel, the graceful minarets of the mosque rise unexpectedly above the trees, captivating the eye. Seemingly out of place amid the enormous Panasonic and Sony billboards presiding over teeming boulevards, the mosque beckons, an unlikely oasis in the heart of Ho Chi Minh City - former Saigon.

The visitor slips inside the gates of the compound and climbs the steps, brightened with fuchsia bougainvillea, to a veranda shimmering with reflections from the ablution pool. As the visitor steps into the mosque, and feels the welcome coolness of tiles underfoot, the bustle of the city recedes. This is the world of the Chams, descendants of an ancient people who built the powerful kingdom of Champa in what is now central Vietnam. Despite repeated conquest by invading armies and attempts at cultural - and even physical - obliteration, the Chams survive in Vietnam and Kampuchea (Cambodia) as a proud Muslim people, retaining a distinct linguistic, cultural and religious heritage.

Geographically, Vietnam has been likened to the peasant's traditional pair of carrying baskets balanced on a shoulder pole. The rich flood plains of the Red River in the north and the Mekong in the south are the rice baskets, while the mountainous backbone of the country serves as the sturdy pole. The dramatic drive from Hue to Da Nang, up the switchbacks of the Hai Van, or Pass of the Clouds, provides a breathtaking sight of the coastal mountains plunging into the sea and a view of what used to be the heart of the Champa kingdom, whose people once believed that the world lay divinely balanced between two elements: earth and water, masculine and feminine, mountains and sea.

While debate continues, many scholars consider the Cham people the original inhabitants of south-central Vietnam, rather than migrants from the Malaysian archipelago. People with "dark skin, deep-set eyes, turned-up noses and frizzy hair" are first mentioned in AD 192, in a Chinese description of Champa, then called Linyi, or "savage forest." The name Champa was not used until the seventh century; by then, a sophisticated civilization had developed, the most exclusive Hinduized culture outside of India. The Cham language, of Malayo-Polynesian origin and employing an Indian script, was the first written language in Southeast Asia. The Champa kingdom was preeminent in international trade; possessing a powerful commercial fleet, it exported enslaved prisoners of war and sandalwood - an important commodity for making incense used throughout Asia - in exchange for Chinese and Japanese silks.

At its peak, the kingdom of Champa occupied the territory of modern-day Vietnam from north of the 17th parallel - the old north-south dividing line - to Ho Chi Minh City in the south, embracing a number of tribes such as the Rhadé, Jarai and Roglai. As the splendid ruins of Mi Son and Dong Duong demonstrate, the sixth to ninth centuries were Champa's golden era, centered in the region of present-day Quang Nam province near Da Nang. The Cham people were outstanding builders, and the temples at Mi Son, 69 kilometers (43 miles) southwest of Da Nang, are among the oldest structures in Southeast Asia. Centuries before the Islamic faith made inroads into Champa, the religious practices were an amalgam of Hindu, Buddhist and animistic elements, and the Mi Son temples and towers were dedicated to kings and Brahman divinities.

The Champa towers were ingeniously constructed of dried brick mortared with resin from the cau day tree. When completed, the structure was enveloped in fire for"several weeks, fusing the bricks and resin together to create an edifice able to withstand the onslaught of time and elements - though not 20th-century warfare. Mi Son valley became a free-fire zone for American B-52 bombers during the Vietnam War; out of more than 70 ancient structures that stood before the war, fewer than 20 remain.

From Da Nang to Phan Ri, numerous Champa ruins dot the Vietnamese landscape, their red-brick towers vividly silhouetted against blue sky and spectacular cloud formations. In the coastal city of Nha Trang, the Cham temple of Po Nagar is now a Buddhist shrine and a tourist attraction. Mi Son is a destination for only the most determined, requiring several hours by car and on foot, while the tower near Cam Ranh is just a few meters from the main highway.

A stone stele inscribed in Arabic, found near Phan Rang and dating from the 10th or 11th century, is the earliest record of the Muslim presence in Champa. Islam arrived in Southeast Asia via India and Malaysia, spreading along the trade routes (See Aramco World, November-December 1991). Arab trading communities lived in contact with the Chams from the 11th century onward.

With the gradual conversion of the Cham people from Hinduism to Islam in the early to mid-1600's, tension rose between Hindus and Muslims. Infighting was brought to an end when the Hindu king Po Ramo, whose wife was Muslim, required subjects to attend each other's ceremonies and observe each other's holidays. The next king, Po Nraup, had two wives, one of each religion. It was Po Nraup's heir who embraced Islam. The religion of successive kings was a matter of personal choice until the kingdom of Champa disintegrated in the 18th century. As late as 1770, shipwrecked French sailors reported visiting a scaled-back Champa royal court, where the king's throne had been reduced to "a simple footstool."

I had traveled to Vietnam to learn more about the people whose ancestors had built the Champa kingdom. But on my fourth day in Hanoi, the authorities notified me that Cham villages were a "security problem" and off-limits to foreigners. Nonetheless, I moved on to Nha Trang, down the coast in former South Vietnam; through quiet inquiries there, I managed to find a car and driver willing to cover the 110 kilometers (68 miles) to the nearest Cham village. Following directions we had been given, we continued south from Phan Rang over two bridges, turned left on the dirt path past the pink pagoda on the right, then crossed another bridge and continued for two kilometers (about a mile) until we arrived at the village of Thuan Tu.

The youngsters there had probably never seen a Westerner before; scores of boisterous, curious children followed at my heels as I toured the village. Elderly women with red betel-stained teeth threshed rice without either baskets or winnowing mat by simply throwing handfuls into the breeze. The prickly-pear cactus hedges flourishing along the roadside give proof that Minh Thuan Province is the most arid part of Vietnam. Thuan Tu was one of the poorest villages I'd seen, and many of the children were visibly undernourished.

Interspersed among homes built of wattle and daub rose several newer homes of concrete and tile. We passed a schoolhouse undergoing renovations; half the crew was enjoying a midday snooze in the shade. Nearby, at the mosque, I exchanged Arabic greetings - al-salam 'alaykum (peace be upon you) - with the assembled Muslim leaders, dressed in white robes and turbans fringed with red tassels. These men, elected every few years, shave their heads and faces, dress in white and abide by special dietary and hygienic rules. After a brief visit, I reluctantly left the village and headed back to Nha Trang, mindful that the authorities might become suspicious if I did not return to the hotel by sunset.

In 1970, an estimated 80,000 Chams lived in their ancestral homeland, a third of whom - as well as all those in Kampuchea - are Sunni Muslims of the Shafi'i school. Hindu Chams call themselves Cham jat or Cham harat, meaning Chams of "pure race," while Muslim Chams call themselves Cham pak or Cham muk, meaning "southern" Chams or Chams "of the community."

The Muslim Chams are further divided into orthodox and traditional communities. The orthodox Chams, who live mainly in Ho Chi Minh City and in Tay Ninh and Chau Doc near the Kampuchean border, adhere to mainstream Islamic practices. In the coastal plains of Binh Thuan and Minh Thuan provinces, where Thuan Tu is located, live the traditional Chams, whose lifestyle blends Islam with indigenous cultural elements.

Long ago, Cham society was dominated by several powerful matrilineal clans, and until recent years, all property was inherited through women; when a woman marries, her husband comes to live in her parents' home. In these respects, Cham society resembles that of the Minangkabau, a Muslim people of Indonesia (See Aramco World, July-August 1991). Mixed marriages of Chams to Khmers, Vietnamese or Chinese almost always result in the non-Cham partner's conversion to Islam. Vietnamese - and in Kampuchea, Khmer - is the language of trade and commerce for the Chams, but at home Cham is spoken. Muslim Chams also attend Qur'anic schools to learn Arabic and Malay in Arabic script.

Rural Chams live at subsistence level, much like the poorest Vietnamese and Khmer peasants. Those who work as farmers tend to grow cash crops such as cotton, sesame, indigo or vegetables, rather than cultivating wet or paddy rice. A number of women supplement their incomes by weaving bright, multi-hued textiles and ribbons. Muslim Chams often control local cattle trading, lumbering, weaving and commercial fisheries, and serve as butchers of cattle for Buddhist Khmer and Vietnamese - many of whom will eat beef but refuse to slaughter it.

Braving the traffic of Ho Chi Minh City on a motor scooter, we wove in and out of the swarms of bicycles and trucks, headed for the Cholon district, home of the city's ethnic Chinese. In the 1930's, the Indian Muslim community erected a mosque in the district, called Jami-ul Masjid Cholon, which sits at a skewed angle to the street, oriented westward toward Makkah. By the end of the Vietnam War in 1975, many of the Indians had fled the country, and the mosque was taken over by Cham Muslims. The modest complex is maintained largely through donations from overseas relatives. On an average day, some 20 people attend prayers there, and on Fridays close to 100.

I was introduced to the imam; interpreting for us was a Cham businessman, whom we will call Rama. Because of his association with the Americans during the war, Rama spent a decade in reeducation camps; now he is involved in foreign trade. Over the years the government has worked to assimilate the Chams, bestowing on them family names such as Ong, Ma, Tra and Che. At the government's behest, Rama vietnamized his Cham-Arabic name.

Rama explained that animosities, often escalating into confrontation, have always existed between Vietnam's regimes and the religious and ethnic minorities - the Chams, the mountain tribes, and the Hoa Hao and Cao Dai sects. A group known as FULRO - United Front for the Liberation of Oppressed Peoples - was organized by a Kampuchean Cham in 1964, and survives to this day. During the Vietnam War, most minority groups were sympathetic to, or actively supported, the Americans. When the United States withdrew and the Communist regime of North Vietnam swept to victory in the south, a futile Cham uprising was brutally suppressed.

Though the last 20 years have been untroubled, the Chams are still treated with suspicion by the current government. In Vietnamese society, Chams are often discriminated against on the basis of language. "Because Cham is spoken almost exclusively in their homes," Rama explained, "Cham children enter school with a language handicap that affects their education and later job opportunities, so the Chams tend to be poorer than their Vietnamese neighbors."

Up until the fall of Saigon, every year 100 Cham Muslims flew on chartered planes from South Vietnam to Saudi Arabia to make the Hajj, the pilgrimage to Makkah. But since the reunification of Vietnam under the Hanoi government, it has been impossible for Chams to make the Hajj, due to the government's anti-religious stance and the lack of funds. Rama added a hopeful note: "The political and religious climate is slowly changing for the better. Things are slowly opening up. Two years ago, I would not have dared to meet and talk with you."

But fear still lingers. Rama asked me not to photograph him or use his real name. Later, a Cham declined to take me to a Muslim wedding because he was afraid to be seen with an American riding pillion on his scooter.

The origin of the hostility between Vietnamese and Cham goes back some 14 centuries, to a time when the kingdom of Champa found itself in frequent conflict with the Dai Viets to the north, ancestors of the modern Vietnamese. The first Champa capital of Tra Kieu was destroyed by the Dai Viets in the sixth century and a new capital was built south of there at Indrapura. As warfare continued, the Cham people were forced to move their capital five more times - each time farther south. Trying to re-establish themselves, the beleaguered Chams then fell prey to their western Khmer neighbors. The intermittent fighting between these two peoples, spanning the 12th century, is well chronicled in the bas-reliefs at the famous Angkor Wat ruins in Kampuchea.

Beset by internal dissension and the ensuing Mongol invasions of Kublai Khan, Champa began to crumble. In 1471, the Vietnamese emperor Le Thanh Ton swept down from the north, vanquishing Champa and sending much of its population fleeing to Angkor, the predecessor state of Kampuchea, where the refugees were welcomed by the Khmer king. When the Vietnamese captured the Champa port of Phan Rang in 1693 and a massacre ensued, another 5000 Chams fled westward to Kampuchea.

It made sense for me to follow the route of the Chams to Kampuchea, where Cham villages are more accessible. From the air, Kampuchea looked like a vast swamp, with the Mekong River a great, brown swath slicing through it all.

Since the 13th century, a small community of Muslims of Malay origin existed in Kampuchea. By 1590, Muslim Arab and Malay traders had settled in Lovek, the former Kampuchean capital, engaging in brisk business up and down the Mekong and intermarrying with Chams fleeing the intermittent upheavals in Vietnam. Muslim influence gained ascendancy in Kampuchea when Prince Ponhea Chan, supported by the Malays, assassinated the reigning king. Ponhea Chan converted to Islam, adopted the name Ibrahim and shortly thereafter launched a jihad or holy war against the Dutch East India Company. In 1650, Ibrahim's Khmer enemies overthrew him and Kampuchea's only Muslim king was captured and killed. In 1790, another large wave of Chams migrated to Kampuchea following the collapse of the Tay Son revolution in Vietnam.

A census carried out in 1874 by French colonial authorities found 25,599 Chams in Kampuchea, about three percent of the total population. In 1936, the Chams' numbers there had grown to 88,000, and by 1975 swelled to 250,000, making the Cham Muslims the country's largest minority. By 1970, there were 132 mosques in Kampuchea, and 25 Cham scholars had graduated from various Islamic educational institutions outside Indochina, nine of them from Egypt's al-Azhar University. Eighty Kampuchean Chams annually made the Hajj to Makkah, and by 1975, when the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh, an estimated 1000 Chams in Kampuchea had completed the pilgrimage and thus were entitled to be called hajjis.

Today, most Kampuchean Chams live in 70 villages scattered along the banks of the Mekong and Tonle Sap rivers in Kompong Cham and Kompong Chhnang provinces. Some also live in communities in Takeo Province near the Vietnamese border and in Kampot on the Gulf of Thailand. Just north of the capital Phnom Penh, in the Cham heartland, is the village of Chrang Chamres, wedged between a ribbon of asphalt called Highway 5 and the reddish-brown waters of the Tonle Sap. At the heart of village life is the river, providing food, transportation, water for bathing and cooking, and, for the giggling children splashing in the shallows, sheer fun as well. The wooden houses perch on tall pilings, allowing the waters to sweep just below the floor boards during the monsoons.

For centuries, fishing was the traditional means of support in Chrang Chamres, but now many people work in fish-processing, lumber or weaving factories. A fisherman might make $30 a month, a factory worker $25. With city life encroaching on the villages, a substantial number of villagers have become street vendors, selling drinks, foods, and small products of various kinds.

Many women in Chrang Chamres once labored over looms, weaving the brilliant silk fabrics found throughout Kampuchea, but now a lone woman preserves the craft locally. Sitting in the shade beneath a house, the heddle suspended from pilings, she passes the shuttle back and forth between the silk weft threads, patiently producing a black-and-purple checked cloth. "The silk thread is imported from Vietnam and is becoming too expensive," she said. "None of my daughters or other girls are interested in learning to weave. I'm the last one in this village." But in villages farther from the capital, the weaving continues.

Off in the distance, the insistent beating of a heavy skor drum accompanies the muezzin - here called a bilal, the name of Islam's first muezzin - as he calls the faithful to prayer. Plastic slippers line the steps of the mosque. Inside, men pray wearing white caps (kapeas) and colorful batik cloth skirts tied in a knot at the waist. Mosque An-Nur an-Na'im, built in 1901, was once the largest in the country; now, like many Muslim places of worship, it is being rebuilt after being destroyed by the Khmer Rouge. When the Khmer Rouge were finally ousted from power in 1979, only 20 of the 132 mosques in Kampuchea remained.

In 1972, amid growing unrest on the eve of all-out civil war, the Khmer Rouge revolutionaries launched a campaign to eradicate Cham culture. The distinct Cham communities, with their large villages, separate language and independent organizational networks, posed a threat to the Khmer leaders' vision of a homogeneous, highly regimented country. In areas under Khmer Rouge control, the Chams were accused of excessive religious devotion that detracted from work time, and their religious observances were gradually restricted. Cham women were compelled to shear their long hair and adopt the short Khmer style. The traditional Cham batik was forbidden and the people were forced to wear black "pajamas." Eventual suppression of the five daily prayers precipitated a general protest, and Khmer Rouge authorities began arresting religious leaders.

As the Khmer Rouge gained full control in Kampuchea, mosques and schools were closed and Cham villagers dispersed throughout the countryside, along with the rest of the urban population. When the massacres of the educated, the talented, the exceptional and the recalcitrant began in earnest, a Cham Muslim's simple refusal to eat pork was grounds for immediate execution.

By the time Vietnamese troops entered Kampuchea in 1979 and ousted the Khmer Rouge regime, only 30 out of 1000 Cham hajjis were still alive, 38 of 300 Qur'anic teachers, 45 of 350 community leaders and deputies and two of 25 foreign Islamic school graduates. All told, some 90,000 out of 200,000 Chams were killed in the dark years of the Khmer Rouge regime.

Every Cham has a devastating personal story to tell. "The Khmer Rouge killed over half of my family. I escaped to the Thai border, passing as Khmer," said the imam at the Chrang Chamres mosque. "There are still many Chams who live as Khmers because the situation is still so unsettled and they're afraid something could happen again." He lives in a house with some of his 30 grandchildren and does not take any of their lives for granted.

Thousands of Kampuchean Khmers and Chams were bludgeoned to death at the extermination camp of the Choeung Ek "Killing Fields" outside of Phnom Penh. Cows graze in the gaping mass-burial pits, the soil still visibly impregnated with bits of cloth and bones. Over 8000 disinterred skulls are stacked according to age behind the glass panels of a memorial erected in 1988. As we returned to the car, our guide said quietly: "One of those skulls is my father."

Later, we arrived for dinner at Abdullah Ben Yousef's house in Prek Kdam, not far north of Chrang Chamres. Security in the area was somewhat unsettled, but the sight of an AK-47 assault rifle beside the bed - and the presence of the local police chief - assured me I was in safe hands. Abdullah's spacious house and new car, the only one in the village, were evidence that his lumber business was prospering, making him among the wealthiest men in the village. Abdullah was fortunate enough to make the Hajj to Makkah in 1988 and his walls are covered with souvenirs and pictures of his pilgrimage. In the past two years, in an indication things are gradually returning to normal, a total of 55 Kampuchean Chams have made the Hajj.

Delicious smells wafted from the cookhouse on the far end of the veranda, where Abdullah's wife Fatima prepared dinner. Food was served on the floor: dishes of fish, one smothered in ginger, garlic and green onions, another with peppers. Rice and a salad of cucumber and green tomatoes - and Coca Cola - completed the meal. The men dined separately, while Fatima and the children watched. I chewed self-consciously, each swallow eliciting giggles from the children as my Adam's apple bobbed up and down.

To my surprise and disappointment, shortly after we'd finished eating, my host announced we would have to head back to Phnom Penh. I asked to stay longer, but the translator explained that "bad men are on the road" and "it's not safe to have foreigner in car." Several people had been killed recently at nearby Angkor Wat. As we drove back, the long stretches of dark, empty road seemed interminable. Several times, we were stopped at roadblocks manned by local militiamen, and the Marlboros I had given as a gift to my hosts were handed out the window to the soldiers. When I was dropped off at my hotel in Phnom Penh, I gave Abdullah my last pack of cigarettes and a few dollar bills in case they needed to pay a "toll" on the return trip home.

The next morning, we returned to Prek Kdam. From behind the village mosque, we could hear a chorus of children's voices reciting the Qur'an, in that melodious lilt that helps youngsters remember. The children squirmed on wooden benches, laboring over pages of Arabic script. My appearance in the classroom doorway caused an instant uproar, and the teacher beckoned me in.

Mohammed Abdul Hamid has lived in Malaysia for 15 years and visits here periodically to teach the children English, Malay and Arabic. He pointed to the bare bricks and said, "The school has been undergoing construction for four years. Sometimes the UNTAC [United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia] soldiers from Muslim countries come and help us. But as you can see, we have a way to go."

I asked the children what they wanted to do when they grew up. They responded with enthusiastic flurries of hands when I suggested a doctor or a teacher; being a fisherman also seemed desirable, while a few wanted to be movie stars. Three boys and one girl - who looked around and then lowered her hand - wanted to drive a truck. Interestingly, the notion of a government job produced much giggling and few hands.

Through the translator, I urged them to listen to their teacher and study hard, so they could one day contribute to the rebuilding of their country. I asked if they had any questions for me - expecting some to be curious about where I was from and what I was doing in their country. One girl, about 12, timidly raised her hand and asked, "Would you like to contribute some money for the construction of our school?" She was practical and to the point; how could I refuse? I advised the teacher to keep an eye on that one; with such children, the future of the Chams would be assured.

Boston writer-photographer Bill Strubbe has a long-standing interest in Islamic culture and history, and writes articles dealing with the world's cultural and environmental diversity.

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Mon Aug 30, 2010 11:37 am

Sabtu, 07 Agustus 2010
Ho, Bukan Yesus
Bawean Pos/07/Agustus/2010

Sumber: Majalah Tempo, Edisi 07 Juli 1979

TIDAK ada berita, adakah di antara pengungsi Vietnam yang membanjir sekarang ini yang beragama Islam. Mungkin tidak. Tapi di negeri itu, seperti juga di Kamboja, berdiam penduduk muslim seperti juga Katolik dan Kristen -- di samping Budhis yang mayoritas. Diketahui, rezim Thieu yang berkuasa di Saigon sebelum jatuh pada 1975 dikenal sebagai orang-orang Katolik -- dan mereka merupakan kelompok yang punya kuasa. Di Vietnam Utara sendiri, di mana Katolik berkembang pesat selama penjajahan Perancis pada 1954 ditaksir jumlah mereka 1,5 juta. (Penduduk Vietnam Utara & Selatan diperkirakan 50 juta). Setelah komunis naik, tak kurang dari 65% umat Katolik ramai-ramai boyong ke Selatan. Tapi tak urung Selatan pun jatuh. Dan demikianlah: rezim komunis sangat tidak ramah kepada mereka. Di Hanoi masih ada Katedral Regina Pacis. Tapi engsel pintu gerbangnya berkarat -- kelihatan tak pernah dibuka. Pastor yang tinggal di belakang gereja menuturkan -- kepada rombongan wartawan Indonesia yang bulan lalu berkeliling di sana, dan berhasil minta singgah di gereja itu -- bahwa di kota itu kini terdapat 10.000 orang Katolik. Tapi ia tak menjawab pertanyaan apakah jumlah itu sekarang menyusut atau bertambah. Lebih menyolok yang di kota Ho Chi Minh (Saigon). Kompleks perguruan Katolik di situ sudah menjadi pusat reedukasi bagi pengidap narkotik dan perampok. Sedang bangunan gerejanya jadi markas pertemuan kader partai. Altar kosong, dan di dinding terpampang gambar Ketua Ho -- bukan Yesus. Di malam libur sekarang anak-anak muda diizinkan ajojing di altar itu. Orang Asing Adapun perlakuan terhadap mesjid rupanya masih tergolong mendingan. Ada dua buah mesjid di Saigon Mesjid Rahim Malay-Indonesia dan Mesjid India Muslim. Dua-duanya utuh. Mesjid pertama dibangun oleh para muslim yang terutama keturunan Melayu (Semenanjung dan Indonesia) plus penduduk Cham (Campa). Yang keturunan Melayu, berasal dari nenek-moyang para nelayan Bawean atau yang sampai di sana lantaran diboyong Jepang sebagai romusha dulu, umumnya sudah punya kultur campuran dan punya nama alias Vietnam juga. Sebelum Saigon jatuh mereka bekerja di toko atau kantor Setelah hak pribadi dihapuskan, dengan sendirinya mereka kehilangan mata pencaharian. Di samping itu ancaman jenis lain yang timbul ialah ketidaksukaan kepada orang asing --sedang mereka ini tetap dilirik sebagai orang asing, meski sudah beranak-pinak dengan pribumi. Bukankah segera setelah komunis berkuasa, orang asing lebih disukai untuk minggat? Buktinya, seperti dituturkan Hidir bin Sane Houane alias Ma Tanh Viet, Presiden Asosiasi Mesjid Muslim Ho Chi Minh City, Pemerintah telah memberikan exit-permit kepada sebagian besar keturunan Malaysia-Indonesia itu untuk setiap saat enyah -- begitu ada berita pemerintah yang bersangkutan mau menerima. Ini juga sudah diadukan Hidir bin Sane yang asal P. Bawean itu kepada Presiden Suharto, selain mereka juga sudah berhubungan dengan Kedutaan RI di Hanoi. Kurang lebih 400 orang di sekitar mesjid itu, mempertahankan hidup dengan menjual apa saja, dan sebagian sudah memegang semacam surat pengakuan dari kedutaan kita -- tapi prosedur rupanya tak mudah. Bagaimana pula dengan nasib umat Islam dan kaum beragama lain di Kamboja? Dalam satu maklumat dari 'Front Persatuan Nasional Untuk Menyelematkan Kampuchea', 2 Desember 1978, rezim Heng Somrin yang di bulan berikutnya merebut kekuasaan itu mengutuk rezim Pol Pot dan tak lupa menyelipkan kalimat antara lain "Mereka telah menghancurkan pagoda-pagoda dan kuil-kuil agama Budha -- agama kenegaraan Kampuchea turun-temurun. Mereka paksa para biarawan dan biarawati mengingkari keulamaannya. Mereka menghancurkan agama Islam dan memusnahkan Suku Cham (Islam red)." Di situ tak disebut-sebut Katolik atau Kristen. Di Kamboja, dengan penduduk 7 juta (konon sekarang tinggal 4 juta, setelah dibabat rezim Pol Pot) terhitung ada 250.000 muslim, 5.000 Katolik dan 3.000 Protestan -- di tahun 1975, pada pergantian. pemerintah ke tangan komunis. Banyak dari para muslim ini yang dikabarkan masuk barisan revolusi (komunis) di tahun 1970 -- dengan tujuan merebut tempat di atas mayoritas Budhis, yang selama ini dirasa menekan mereka. Tetapi di bawah Pol Pot, kitab Qur'an dibakar. Orang Islam dipaksa mengumpulkan babi di dalam mesjid. Nopember 1975 orang Campa di Dusun Trea berontak -- dan pasukan Khmer Merah memusnahkan dusun itu dengan pesawat-pesawat B-40. Pasukan darat dalam pada itu membantai mereka dan menyerakkan mayat-mayatnya, sebagiannya ke Sungai Mekong -- seperti diceritakan Mat Sleman dari Kompong Cham, yang berhasil masuk Muangthai Juni 1976 *). Mengencingi Apa yang dialami kaum muslimin, yang selain berbeda agama juga berbeda suku dan latar belakang sejarah (sejak zaman Kerajaan Campa dahulu), barangkali memang lebih tragis dari saudara-saudara mereka yang Budha. Tetapi di Pnom Penh, baru-baru ini, sebuah kuil dibuka kembali -- dan itu menunjukkan bahwa di bawah Pol Pot & Ieng Sary seluruh kehidupan Budhis juga dibasmi. Hanya saja sasaran mereka tempo hari terbatas pada para biksu & pendeta. Sampai 1975, di kota Phnompenh tercatat 1.000 orang biksu. Begitu Pol Pot berkuasa, mereka dipaksa menyerahkan jubah mereka, mengencingi patung-patungnya, dan digiring ke kamp kerja paksa -- dan dibunuh. Kini hanya tinggal tak lebih dari 18 biksu. Akan hal Katolik dan Protestan, umumnya pihak penguasa tidak anggap penting kehadiran mereka. Tetapi, demikian dikatakan seorang pengungsi, begitu tentara tahu bahwa seseorang beragama Kristen, ia akan langsung "dibawa" -- sebab seorang Kristen dengan sendirinya "CIA". Sekarang, bisakah kehidupan agama diharapkan mekar kembali di Kamboja, sebagaimana di Vietnam? Di Katedral Regina Pacis di Hanoi, seorang pejabat yang mengiring wartawan Indonesia menyuruh anak-anak 8 tahunan -- yang kebetulan sedang main-main di dalam -- untuk berlutut di depan patung, lantas dia potret. Pemerintah Heng Somrin, yang telah mengutuk pendahulunya untuk meneguhkan dirinya di tengah rakyat, agaknya memang lebih berperikemanusiaan. Tapi yang dibutuhkannya barangkali cuma sekedar gambaran: bahwa agama ternyata "bebas" di bawah rezim komunis yang baru. Tentunya dengan catatan: kampanye anti-agama digerakkan oleh pemerintah juga. *) Francois Ponchaud, Cambodia Year Zero, Penguin Books, 1977.

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Sun Sep 05, 2010 11:21 am


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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby mocopait » Thu Sep 09, 2010 5:14 pm

Khmer Merah jelas salah. pembunuhan tidak dibenarkan.tidak ada yg berhak mencabut nyawa manusia kecuali sang Pencipta.
karena itu para pelakunya disidang dan di hukum sama seperti di Serbia.
yang benar adalah memberi penyadaran dan ketegasan politik seperti belanda.

dilihat dari sudut agama2 dan kepercaya'an tindakan khmer ini juga salah :

Kepercayaan Bahá'í : “Pilihlah bagi tetanggamu hal yang kau pilih untuk dirimu." Dari Epistle to the Son of the Wolf

Brahmanism: "Ini tugasmu: Jangan perlakukan orang sebagaimana menyakitkan jika diterapkan padamu". Mahabharata, 5:1517

Buddhism: "...suatu keadaan yang tidak menyenangkan, bagaimana saya dapat melakukan yang sama terhadap orang lain ?" Samyutta NIkaya v. 353

Jangan sakiti orang sebagaimana itu akan menyakitimu." Udana-Varga 5:18

Kristen: "Perlakukan orang sebagaiamana kau ingin diperlakukan: inilah hukum bagimu." Mateus 7:12.

"Dan sebagaimana kau ingin orang memperlakukanmu, dengan demikian pula kau harus memperlakukan mereka." Lukas 6:31.

"...jangan melaksanakan hal yang kamu benci...", Injil Thomas 6.

Confucianism: "Jangan melakukan terhdp orang apa yg kau tidak ingin mereka lakukan padamu. Dialects 15:23

"Ze-Gong bertanya, 'Apakah ada satu kata yg bisa merangkum prinsip kelakuan manusia ?' Confucius menjawab, 'Kata 'xu' -- resiprositas. Jangan berlakukan terhdp orang lain apa yg kau sendiri tidak suka.'" Doctrine of the Mean 13.3

"Upayakan sebisa mungkin utk memperlakukan orang spt kau ingin diperlakukan, dan kau akan menemukan jalan terpendek menuju kebajikan." Mencius VII.A.4

Mesir Kuno: "Lakukan bagi orang lain apa yg kau inginkan terjadi padamu." The Tale of the Eloquent Peasant, 109 - 110 Translated by R.B. Parkinson. The original dates to 1970 to 1640 BCE and may be the earliest version ever written.

Hindu: "Kau tidak boleh berlaku pada orang lain yg tidak kau sukai sendiri." Mencius Vii.A.4

"Inilah kesimpulan Dharma [tugas]: Jangan perlakukan orang lain shg menyakitkanmu jika itu dilakukan padamu." Mahabharata 5:1517

Humanisme: "(5) Humanis mengakui interdependensi sesama manusia, kebutuhan bagi kehormatan sesama dan persaudaraan seluruh umat manusia."

Jainisme: "Dlm kebahagiaan dan penderitaan, dlm kesenangan dan kesedihan, kami harus menganggap semua mahluk hidup spt kami menganggap diri sendiri." Lord Mahavira, 24th Tirthankara

"Seseorang harus memperlakukan semua mahluk spt ia sendiripun ingin diperlakukan. "Sutrakritanga 1.11.33

Judaisme: "...cintailah tetanggamu spt kau mencintai diri sendiri", Leviticus 19:18

"Apa yg kau benci, jangan perlakukan terhdp orang lain. Ini hukum (paling penting)." Talmud, Shabbat 31a.

"And what you hate, do not do to any one." Tobit 4:15

dsb dsb ...

copas dari :http://indonesia.faithfreedom.org/forum/the-golden-rule-5-artikel-t25/
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Thu Sep 30, 2010 11:18 am

tampaknya Thailand & filipina perlu belajar dari KAMBOJA soal menangani ISLAM
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Sat Oct 09, 2010 10:46 am

« on: December 13, 2009, 03:46:30 AM »

Dalam pembantaian Kamboja oleh Rezim Komunis Pol Pot, termasuklah ke dalamnya pembasmian etnis minoritas Muslim kaum Cham, 75.000 orang dari jumlah total 260.000. Tokoh-tokoh Cham yang terkemuka dan menjadi korban pembantaian itu adalah :

1. Imam Haji Res Los, beliau Mufti Besar Kamboja, Beliau dibunuh dengan cara dicemplungkan ke dalam air yang mendidih, lalu kepalanya dipukuli dengan linggis, di Konhom, Peam Chisor, Prey Veng, 08 Oktober 1975

2, Haji Suleiman Shoukri, Mufti Pertama, Beliau dibunuh dengan dipukuli sampai mati dan mayatnya di buang ke dalam got di Kahe, Prek Angchanh, Kandal, Agustus 1975

3. Haji Mat Sles Suleiman, Mufti Kedua, mula-mula beliau disiksa lalu isi perutnya di keluarkan ketika beliau belum meninggal, di Battambang, 10 Agustus 1975

4. Haji Mat Ly Harun, Ketua Persatuan Islam Kamboja, beliau dibiarkan mati kelaparan di penjara Anlong Sen, Kandal, 25 September 1975

5. Haji Srong Yusof, Beliau Dosen Study Islam, dibunuh di Peamchor, Kandal, 19 Oktober 1975

6. Mat Sen, Ketua Persatuan Pemuda Islam Kamboja, hilang diculik di sekitar masa itu (Ben Kiernan: 1996)

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby cendol » Thu Dec 09, 2010 8:10 am

kalau sudah begini, kasihan juga liat si mus
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Jarum_Kudus » Thu Dec 09, 2010 1:10 pm

Mitxel wrote:apapun makanannya, musuhnya HARUS Islam..

Ternyata murtad palsu nih. Pantesan tak ada kesaksian apapun, dan tidak mau mengucapkan syahadah FFI.
Masih doyan nyembah Allah SWT ya?

Yang ngebunuh kafir Komunis, kok kristen yang disalahkan? Pokai, pokai.

saat muslim dan hindu konflik, kristen somehow support hindu.

Tentu saja harus gitu. Waktu bom bali I dan II terjadi, kamu itu bela syafa? Allah dan Rasul Gombalnya?
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Thu Dec 23, 2010 4:17 pm

Muammad Bin Umbrella wrote:kalau sudah begini, kasihan juga liat si mus

yang sangat berbahaya, justru jika pasukan khmer merah kamboja pimpinan POLPOT tidak menghancurkan MUSLIM sampai ke akar2-nya yaitu orang2 MUSLIM CHAM akan meneror BUDHIS KHMER bahkan Angkor Wat sudah tidak ada lagi karena keburu dihabcurkan pihak MUSLIM CHAM
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Sun Jan 30, 2011 11:16 am

Democratic Kampuchea’s Genocide of the Cham
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Young girl walks by the community center in Svay Khleang, Cambodia

The Cham are descendants of Champa, a longstanding kingdom that that once occupied most of today’s central Việt Nam—roughly from Quảng Bình to Đồng Nai provinces. Beginning in the late fifteenth century, the Cham fled Vietnamese incursions into northern Champa, finding refuge in southern Champa and in the successive Buddhist kingdoms that emerged after the fall of Angkor. Some Cham territory in Việt Nam remained intact, in gradually eroding parcels, until 1832. The Cham in Cambodia lived in relative peace until the 1970s, when they were targeted by the Khmer Rouge. For five hundred years now, in both Việt Nam and Cambodia, only some Cham have survived the most perilous conditions. However, international attention has never settled upon any Cham community until now, in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, more casually known as the Khmer Rouge tribunal. In Phnom Penh, the tribunal currently considers whether the well- documented persecutions of the Cham in Cambodia do indeed provide sufficient evidence of the Khmer Rouge’s intent to destroy them, in whole or in part.

To many observers and survivors, there is no doubt that this ethnic and religious minority was targeted with more exacting brutality, with kill rates at double or triple the average population. Some historians claim that the Cham had a higher rate of loss than any other ethnic group. Khmer Rouge documents from that era demand that this distinct group be “broken up” because “their lives are not so difficult.” However, the Khmer Rouge disguised their own genocidal intent in their only official statement on the Cham, when they announced, “The Cham race was exterminated by the Vietnamese.” The Khmer Rouge claim that no Cham had survived the conquest of Champa was certainly convenient, as noted by historian and genocide scholar Ben Kiernan. Because in the Khmer Rouge’s plan for the Cham, “they were to ‘disappear’ as a people,” Kiernan remarked in The Pol Pot Regime. Hence the regime set out to complete the disappearance of their Cham “enemies”—through deportation and extermination, and by forbidding their Islamic worship, their use of Cham language, and their retention of all distinctive cultural practices.

Women prepare food for Friday prayers in O Russei village in Kampong Chhnang

Although all Cambodians suffered terribly during the Khmer Rouge, the killing of one’s own ethnic and religious group cannot be prosecuted under genocide law, which was drafted in the wake of the Jewish Holocaust during World War Two. So for the Khmer Rouge tribunal, the Cham case may provide the most legible evidence of genocide, alongside the persecutions suffered by a smaller minority of ethnic Vietnamese. Four former high-ranking Khmer Rouge cadre have now been individually and collectively indicted for crimes of war, for crimes against humanity, and for genocide against the Cham and the Vietnamese in Cambodia—and these former cadre are currently on trial in Phnom Penh. Genocide was the most recent addition to the expected charges, representing the long-held notion but unproven conviction that the Khmer Rouge committed the crime of crimes. However, we can’t dismiss that genocide also occurred during egregious war crimes against everyone—extermination, murder, enslavement, deportation, imprisonment, torture, rape, disappearance, and other breaches of the Geneva Conventions. We cannot underestimate the brutality of the regime led by Saloth Sar, more commonly known as Pol Pot.

Cham testimonies have long attested to their specific discriminations suffered under Pol Pot, as early as the Renakse Petitions to the United Nations. From 1980 to 1983, Cham claimants added their signatures and thumbprints to what became a 1,250-document petition submitted by 1,166,307 survivors of the Khmer Rouge. Collectively the signatories petitioned to oust the Khmer Rouge from their seat at the UN General Assembly, while requesting that the UN try Pol Pot and other cadre for their fresh crimes. In Koh Kong province in 1983, the survivors recalled these incidents of brutality—

starvation; blindfolding and beating to death; tying legs with rope and dragging; tying up both hands and legs and confining to a crucifix; tying people together and ordering them to walk in lines and shooting them to death from behind and then throwing them into the sea; throwing young children into the sea to drown; hitting young children against trees; and raping women before taking them to be killed.

Despite such horrifying evidence of the widespread inhumanity of the Khmer Rouge regime, these signing survivors were unsuccessful in their request. For various political reasons, the petition failed to move the UN or to remove the Khmer Rouge from Cambodia’s seat in the UN General Assembly. And it would be nearly another thirty years before the very crimes detailed in those early petitions would surface as evidence in court, as they are now. As the Documentation Center of Cambodia attests, “All of these documents offer profound evidence of the crimes committed, including that of genocide, during Democratic Kampuchea.”

Some much-needed rain during a drought, in O Russei village in Kampong Chhnang

The 1980 to 1983 Renakse petitions and documents represent the first time that Cham testimonies of genocidal acts—specifically targeting their ethnic and religious minority—surfaced in a political-legal protest against the Khmer Rouge. According to attorney William J. Schulte, the Cham signatories in Siem Riep “described how the Muslims were forced to eat pork and would be killed if they refused, how their mosques were converted into either animal pens or waste storage facilities, and how Khmer Rouge cadres used pages of the Koran for toilet paper and cigarette paper.” Similarly, Kiernan’s collected interviews from the early 1980s and his analysis of Cham ethnic cleansing detail the “racist repression and forced dispersal of the Chams.” Kiernan evaluates, “In legal terms, this constituted destruction of an ethnic group ‘as such’—genocide.” Since Kiernan also founded the Yale Genocide Project, I’ve wondered if his early Cham research supplemented Yale’s archive, which was eventually absorbed into the Documentation Center of Cambodia. Today, this center provides much evidence to the tribunal. In 2007, this center also assisted 200 Cham religious leaders—tuan, mei tuan, and hakem from 369 mosques across Cambodia—file complaints to the tribunal’s office of co-prosecutors. Numerous other Cham survivors have also filed paperwork through the center’s victim participation unit. Reading some of this evidence, amassed over thirty years, I suspected that a genocide charge would benefit from the range and depth of testimonies provided by the Cham.

Before that very charge was announced in late 2009, I had long anticipated the indictment and possible verdict of Khmer Rouge genocide against the Cham. Then in the wake of the indictment, in spring 2010, I was invited by the director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, Youk Chhang, to travel to Cambodia to learn more about the forthcoming genocide charge and the Cham response. It was actually a joint invitation for me and my close friend Asiroh Cham, another Cham-American living in California. In June and July, we met with the director, staff, and interns at the Documentation Center of Cambodia—and they offered incredible insight into Cham history and memory in Cambodia, into genocide awareness educational campaigns, and into the devastations wrought by the Khmer Rouge. We also interviewed Andrew Cayley, international co-prosecutor for the tribunal, to discuss the legal contours of the second case and the evidence of Cham genocide. And we visited two Cham villages whose members have filed testimonies for the tribunal, to learn about Cham historical memory and perceptions of justice. On the eve of the announcement of Duch’s verdict, our conversations anticipated the second and most important trial, widely considered the genocide case. And although all Cambodian Cham are Muslim, these two communities also represent differing ways that the Cambodian Cham practice Islam—the unorthodox Cham Jahed and the more orthodox Sunni. No matter the nuances of their worship, however, all Cham were persecuted by the Khmer Rouge, whose leaders intended to wipe out “the Islamic race” in Democratic Kampuchea.

Ceremony evicting unwanted spirits from a house, Cham Jahed community in O Russei

Cham Jahed copy of original kitab (holy book) brought from Champa, dated 1385

Cham Jahed Imam Ly, the worship leader of the mosque, in O Russei

Asiroh and I first met with the Imam San, or Cham Jahed, in O Russei village in Kampong Chhnang province. By maintaining the ancient language, script, and culture, the Cham Jahed are widely considered the bearers of Champa customs and traditions. Sometimes referred to as “pure Cham,” this minority of 38,000 still follows older Hinduised Islamic rites, preserved from their 1697 exodus from Champa, after the Vietnamese kingdom of Dang Trong took over the last Cham port. Much of the Cham royalty joined the five thousand refugees who fled to Cambodia. Today, their descendants’ unorthodox form of Islam still features syncretic influences of Hindu cosmology and Sufi tradition, to some extent resembling the Cham Bani in central Việt Nam. The Cham Jahed also honor the spirits of their royal ancestors in Champa, and celebrate old Champa ceremonies alongside modern ones. They chant ancient Cham poetry, they recite Cham language during their once-weekly prayers, and they use original Cham script for their religious literature. From the Cambodian royal family and the government, they receive non-monetary support to preserve Cham history, yet still suffer from deep poverty and a sense of isolation, to some extent. The Cham Jahed fear the loss of their unique culture, due to various domestic and international pressures.

As proud descendants of Champa, the Cham Jahed in O Russei even hold a Cham holy book of literature from the 14th century, a kitab hand-copied through subsequent generations. Written in 1385, it describes an old Cham myth about a centaur. This precious volume even survived underground burial during the village’s destruction by the Khmer Rouge. Cham holy books—not to mention villages—were pursued and destroyed during those years. Somehow the man who had buried the kitab for safekeeping also survived the Khmer Rouge, exhuming the precious document after returning to his razed village. He died in 1989, as an old man, and the kitab got passed onward to a new custodian. We held it with awe. I’ve never heard of any Cham document dating this far back, if even in replica. According to Hindu Cham religious leaders in Việt Nam, many of those early manuscripts were destroyed by enemy armies during incursions into Champa’s capitals. Yet apparently, some of these sacred texts migrated to Cambodia in the late 1600s, with the royal refugees from Champa. Quite miraculously, at least one of those early texts somehow survived the Khmer Rouge’s relentless campaign to wipe out all traces of the Cham.

As I expressed my amazement to the imam and other holy men who’d brought out the book, we discussed through translation how the Cham Jahed had most likely migrated from old Panduranga, the southernmost Cham principality which maintained some degree of sovereignty until 1832. I then shared my 1999 photographs and 2006 video footage of my Cham family in that same region, now called Phan Rang. ”I never thought I would be able to understand Cham people there,” explained Husen, the school teacher, after listening to my family speak conversationally. “Now if I go to Việt Nam, I can find people to talk with, and I won’t feel lonely.” We smiled at one another. His observation was so full of joyful hope, I didn’t dare tell him how few of us remain in Việt Nam, and that the difficulty might not be in speaking with but in finding the Cham. Instead I told him how excited I was to share these documents of my family village with him, amidst our conversations about the Khmer Rouge. I silently reflected upon the powers of representation and border-crossing, because even within contiguous diasporas, there may be centuries of scarce awareness or nonexistent contact.

The oldest man in Svay Khleang lost children to the Khmer Rouge

In Svay Khleang, survivors recall the Khmer Rouge search and kill program

Minaret built in the 19th century, in Svay Khleang, on the Mekong River

Next Asiroh and I met with the Cham in Svay Khleang, in Krauch Chhmar district, who are among 500,000 Cham adherents to a more orthodox form of Shafi‘i Sunni Islam. Influenced by Arabic and Malaysian practices, most Cham in Cambodia follow this ‘modern’ version of Islam, praying five times a day, with Arabic script for their sacred literature. Today the oldest seun (minaret) extant in Cambodia, built in the late 19th century, still stands on the shore of the Mekong River in Svay Khleang. In its shadow, during the escalation of arrests of the Cham in 1973, the Khmer Rouge had forbidden communal prayer and closed the mosques of this very pious population. Against tradition, the Khmer Rouge had forced Cham women to uncover and cut their hair. They also collected and burned copies of the Qur’an, and made the Cham raise pigs and eat pork. In some villages, to protest, religious elders beat their drums at night. Yet in 1975 after the mass arrest of worshippers during the end of Ramadan—when they’d all sought and received permission to pray—the Cham in Svay Khleang rebelled against these rising religious repressions. However one elderly woman reflected, in 2006, that the villagers would have been exterminated simply for being Cham, regardless the rebellion—it was only a matter of time.

However, to retaliate against this insurrection, the Khmer Rouge systematically killed nearly eighty percent of the villagers in Svay Khleang, and massacred the neighboring Cham village of Koh Phal, who’d resisted eating pork. We learned more about this history from Sos Pinyamin, a key member of the Svay Khleang rebellion in 1975. Today he is the hakem of the village, responsible for education and proper religious observances in the community. He revealed deep wisdom and critical observation about Svay Khleang’s history. We spoke for several hours about the rebellion’s context, and the subsequent losses and repressions in Svay Khleang, including the annihilation of nearly a thousand families. That afternoon, Sos Pinyamin also organized a discussion at the mosque after his afternoon prayers, where numerous community members each told a story about surviving Pol Pot time. Due to the enormity of their losses, their memories were very painful and their reflections profound. One man who’d lost all his family said softly, “Every time I sit down to eat a bowl of rice, I ask, why isn’t my mother eating here with me?” Others echoed his sentiment, nodding and looking down. “Tonight we will have nightmares,” another man confirmed, “even as it is important to get some release, to tell the story, to those to care to listen.”

That evening, I left the village wondering if victim testimonies for the tribunal created a similar effect, the reopening and salting of wounds, no matter the intention. Even as I knew that the guilty verdict—once issued—would honor the the Cham in Cambodia, I wondered if this form of visibility and recognition would truly heal their memories and losses. Granted, to deny the verdict of guilt for these four senior Khmer Rouge leaders would add unimaginable insult to injury, just as Duch’s remarkably paltry verdict has done, for all the people of Cambodia. But can juridical justice, even when fully realized, ever be enough? Because the Svay Khleang man eating his bowls of rice without his mother, wondering why he must go another meal without her, reminds us how no such sentence, reparation, memorial, or campaign could compensate even a fraction for these abruptly ended and deeply shattered lives. The man had gently confessed, “Sometimes I no longer wish to be alive, since everyone else in my family is gone.” For those facing such a rupture in the aftermath of genocide, justice may remain elusive, if only because their losses are incommensurable and irreparable.

Woman in Svay Khleang, during conversation about the village's history

I find it particularly troubling and heartbreaking that the Cham who sought refuge in Cambodia during the conquest of their kingdom were then targeted for extermination hundreds of years later, in such high proportions, during the Khmer Rouge. For their ethnic and religious peculiarity, between fifty to eighty percent of the Cambodian Cham population perished, with 130 mosques destroyed, in less than four years. Of more than one thousand hajji who’d undertaken the sacred pilgrimage to Mecca, only thirty remained in 1979. The rest were brutally murdered, alongside Cham religious leaders—hung upside down and smothered in buckets of boiling water, for example. The number of Cham killed in the 1970s alone exceeds, by hundreds of thousands, the Cham still alive today beyond Cambodia’s borders, in their original homeland in present-day Việt Nam, and in their small diasporas in the United States, Malaysia, Australia, Hainan Island, France, and other countries. In the eighth and ninth centuries, Champa had an estimated one to two million population. How many would be alive today, had we been allowed to flourish, rather than perish?

The Cham we met in Cambodia resemble, in important ways, my family in Việt Nam. And that’s fitting, as I perceive the deaths of the Cham in Cambodia as the loss of extended family. Although my maternal family is Balamon (Hindu) Cham, I feel connected to all descendants of Champa, regardless of religion or region. Our shared history and culture extend so far into the past. As Austronesian-speaking relatives of the Malays, our seafaring ancestors arrived by ship to mainland Southeast Asia well over two thousand years ago. We established a prosperous kingdom through maritime trade. Champa had the earliest written languages in Southeast Asia, a third-century Sanskrit inscription and a fourth-century Cham inscription. Although our art and architecture were influenced by India, we added stylistic innovations and content unseen in the works of all other Indianized cultures. As a matrilineal people, we honored our mother goddess, Po Nagar, whose temple still stands today in Nha Trang. After the 16th century, many Cham converted to Islam, a religion brought by merchants and missionaries, as Hinduism had come before. Yet Islam was adapted while retaining many Cham beliefs and practices, as demonstrated by the Cham Jahed in Cambodia and the Cham Bani in Việt Nam.

Throughout two thousand years, Cham conceptions of the world have been deeply shaped by our indigenous traditions, our trade relations, and our cultural adaptations. Our approach to spirituality has been rather syncretic, like other kingdoms of mainland and island Southeast Asia. In my family’s region of Phan Rang, the Cham still practice what Rie Nakamura describes as cosmological dualism, which allows us to maintain separate and complementary religious beliefs while perceiving our differences as integral to the whole. As a Hindu Cham dignitary in Việt Nam described to me, in 2006, this dualism is a way of keeping peace between the faiths. In Cambodia, the differing practices of Islam represent another cosmological dualism. Yet no matter how we align ourselves spiritually—as Balamon, Bani, Jahed, Sunni Islam, or something else—we are still sometimes erroneously regarded as extinct since the fifteenth century. I first found that grim description in an elementary school encyclopedia in Texas, in the early 1980s. Afterwards I just couldn’t break the news of our extinction to my mother, whose family back home could barely survive in postwar Việt Nam. And even today, as the Cham communities around the world have scarce knowledge of one another, this geographical and conceptual isolation can obscure not only our mutual struggles but also the deep historical and cultural continuities between the Cham in Việt Nam, in Cambodia, and in the diaspora.

Husen teaching English class in O Russei village, Kampong Chhnang province

High school student with his mother, O Russei village, Kampong Chhnang province

During a devastating drought, the rain prayer ceremony has special significance this year, in O Russei, Kampong Chhnang

- essay and photographs by Julie Thi Underhill, managing editor of diaCRITICS

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Sun Jan 30, 2011 11:21 am

Southeast Asia
Jan 6, 2011

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Cambodia remembers its fallen Muslims
By Julie Masis

PHNOM PENH - In September 1975, 2,000 or so Cambodian Muslims picked up their swords and machetes and for several days fought off heavily armed Khmer Rouge soldiers at the village of Svay Khleang. The rebellion was sparked during the holy month of Ramadan in response to Khmer Rouge attempts to arrest Muslims for praying at their local mosque.

The rebellion was defeated but won't soon be forgotten: a museum that will preserve the stories of Muslim survivors of the Khmer Rouge's genocidal reign of terror from 1975-79 is scheduled to

open at the Mabarak mosque outside Phnom Penh later this year.
Between 100,000 and 400,000 Cham Muslims died under the Khmer Rouge regime, according to figures provided by the Documentation Centre of Cambodia, either from murder, starvation or disease. Most of the country's mosques were destroyed or desecrated during the Khmer Rouge's radical attempt to create a communist utopia.

After the Khmer Rouge put down the Svay Khleang rebellion, the village's women were separated from the men and the revolt's leaders were sent to prison. Other villagers were deported to live in forested areas where many eventually died from malaria or starvation.

The persecution of Muslims remains an understudied aspect of Cambodia's genocide experience - where as many as two million people perished - but the extent of that suffering is now coming to academic light. According to the Documentation Center of Cambodia (DCC), Muslims who were forcibly relocated from their communities died at a higher rate than any other ethnic or religious group.

Cambodia's population is predominantly Buddhist; Muslims currently make up around 2% of the population, according to official statistics. While Cambodia's Muslims are no longer systematically persecuted, as they were under the atheist Khmer Rouge, they remain largely segregated from the Buddhist majority and are under-represented in the country's universities and bureaucracy.

The DCC has collected 500 interviews with Cambodian Muslims about there experiences under the Khmer Rouge, testimonies that will be accessible at the new memorial museum, according to Farina So, the project's oral history leader. The museum will feature Cambodia's first genocide-related exhibit inside a mosque and will be housed in a former Islamic school that was converted to a communal cafeteria under the Khmer Rouge.

The memorial's creation coincides with the ongoing legal proceedings at the United Nations-sponsored Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), where former top Khmer Rouge leaders are currently on trial for their alleged roles in genocide.

In July, the ECCC convicted former Khmer Rouge prison warden, Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, for war crimes and crimes against humanity and sentenced him to 35 years in prison. His sentence was commuted to 19 years in compensation for the time he was ruled to have been illegally detained by a military court.

The ECCC's proceedings have brought back bitter memories among the regime's Muslim survivors. Him Soh, a Muslim survivor who lost seven family members including his parents and siblings during the Khmer Rouge period, recalls how soldiers murdered Muslim community leaders and deported Cham Muslims to other provinces where they were forced to integrate into ethnic Khmer villages.

"The Khmer Rouge did not allow Muslims to pray in the mosque or at home," he said. "They spied to see if a person prayed and if the person prayed they were taken away and killed."

The Khmer Rouge also forced Muslim girls to cut their hair and made men shave their beards – deliberate affronts to Muslim culture. Nor did they allow Chams to cover their heads or wear traditional Muslim clothes. The Koran was confiscated and in certain instances the pages were used for toilet paper, Soh said.

Chi Sleh, a 75-year-old survivor, was imprisoned twice during the Khmer Rouge regime but lived to tell his tale after a sympathetic Khmer Rouge soldier helped him. Sleh said he had to watch as soldiers destroyed the mosque in his home village, which he says the Khmer Rouge razed for scrap metal. "Some mosques were destroyed; others were used to store rice," he recalls.

Because of Cambodia's history of Cham-led rebellions, the Khmer Rouge were particularly suspicious of Muslim populations. "The Khmer Rouge viewed the Cham people as an internal enemy," So said. "Some people were asked if they were Cham and if they were Cham, they were killed. Some survived by hiding their identity."

The Mabarak mosque aims to promote understanding about Cham culture. The new memorial museum will be housed in a mosque built in 1963, one of the oldest Islamic shrines in the country to survive the Khmer Rouge's demolition campaign. It was bombed and damaged in 1973 during the war between the Khmer Rouge and the government's army. The building's bullet-scarred walls still bear witness to that conflict.

The memorial will contain a collection of artifacts, including Cambodian-language Korans which were buried for safekeeping during Khmer Rouge purges, as well as the swords the Chams used during their rebellion. On the lighter side, the exhibitions will introduce visitors to Cham culture and languages, as well as other minority groups which suffered under the Khmer Rouge.

Many of Cambodia's Muslims are descendents of the Cham, an ethnic group which once boasted a far-reaching kingdom known as Champa that included territory in today's central and southern Vietnam. The kingdom was defeated by the Vietnamese in the early 1700s and many Chams fled to areas of modern day Cambodia, including the province now known as Kampong Cham.

Julie Masis is a Cambodia-based journalist.

(Copyright 2011 Asia Times Online (Holdings) Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Si Amang Miyang » Mon Jan 31, 2011 7:02 pm

Laurent wrote:tampaknya Thailand & filipina perlu belajar dari KAMBOJA soal menangani ISLAM

klo kt Indonesia,,gmn yaa?? :(
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Tue Jul 12, 2011 2:21 pm

Ethnic Cham Under Democratic Kampuchea
Posted date : 29-07-2005
Source : Documentation Center of Cambodia By : Osman Ysa
Number of Visitors : 808 Print

Among the individuals and religions harmed and/or destroyed by the Khmer Rouge, the Cham and Khmer Muslims suffered the most. The regime’s almost two million victims include approximately 400,000 to 500,000 ethnic Cham. This figure was cited by Zakariya Adam, who saw the statistics compiled by royal official Res Lah, former director of Islam in Cambodia during the Sangkum Reastr Niyum (Popular Socialist Community) and Khmer Republic. According to Van Math, who saw the statistics complied by general Les Kosem, a researcher on ethnic Cham prior to 1975, and the memories of most of Cham leaders living in Cambodia, about 700,000 Cham people lived in Cambodia before 1975 (ten percent of the country’s population). After the fall of the Khmer Rouge regime in 1979, Ney Pena, author of The Collapse of Pol Pot’s Genocidal Regime, published in 1991, only 200,000 remained alive. Ben Kiernan’s 1996 book, The Pol Pot Regime, however, suggests that the number of Cham in Cambodia fell from about 250,000 in 1975 to about 173,000 in 1979.

My research parallels Kiernan’s and concurs that in 1979, 200,000 Cham remained in Cambodia, but disagrees on the number prior to 1975. According to Khmer Rouge telegram number 15, dated 30 March 1975, more than 100,000 Cham were left in the Eastern Zone after 50,000 had been relocated to the Northern Zone. One can thus deduce that 150,000 Cham inhabited only part of Kampong Cham province. Given the number of Cham in other districts of Kampong Cham and other provinces and cities, the total figure for 1975 increases to one well above that determined by Kiernan. It approaches the number claimed by Res Lah and Les Kosem, which is also the figure held in the memory of almost every Cham: 700,000.

The following is a list of Cham families who disappeared from some villages in Cambodia:
- Svay Khleang Village prior to 1975: 1,240 families; post-1979: 120 families.
- Akmok Village prior to 1975: 1,100 families; post-1979: 100 families.
- Chroy Changvar Kraom (Ek Raingsei Mosque) prior to 1975: 1,000 families; post-1979: 30 families.
- Samrong Village prior to 1975: 40 families; post-1979: 6 families.
- Trapeang Chhouk Village prior to 1975: 250 families; post-1979: 200 families.
- Daun Pen prior to 1975: 150 families; post 1979: 100 families.
- Koh Phal Village prior to 1975: 1,864 families; post-1979: 180 families (no valid figures were available from family books).

Even worse, almost all of the Cham residents in nine villages were slaughtered. The number of survivors fell so sharply that they decided to abandon their homesteads and migrate to other villages. These former villages, which are farmland today, are: Bay Kay, Lvea Em district; Po Tonle, Koh Thom district, Kandal province; Koh Prak, Cham Ka Sam Sep, Kra Kor, Koh Roka, La-ang, Kampong Siem district, Kampong Cham province; Khvav, Prey Chhor district, Kampong Cham; and Tuol Leang, Baray district, Kampong Thom province.

To help eliminate the religion, traditions, and customs of the Cham, the Khmer Rouge selected the poorest and lowest social status Cham in a village to be its leaders. Their aim was to keep track of and execute Cham and, with a view to exterminating their religion and traditions, to drive a wedge between individual Cham so they would turn each other in to the authorities. Obviously, mosques were closed down, while Zakats celebration and other ceremonies were highly discouraged, as were prayers and the priesthood. Still worse, Korans, other holy books, sarongs, and turbans were collected. The Khmer Rouge also forced Muslims to eat pork and women to cut their hair short, and banned the traditional head scarf. However, the goals of the Khmer Rouge were not completely achieved. Him Leh, the Khmer Rouge-nominated chief of Po Tonle village, encouraged Cham to flee to Vietnam. As a consequence, he was imprisoned for more than one year. Math Ly, chief of Tbong Khum district, decided to flee into the jungle as he did not want to view the mistreatment of the Cham. When ordered by the high-level organization to shut down mosques, Sman Kade (the leader of Svay Khleang village) and Res Tort (chief of Koh Phal village) incited Koh Phal villagers to rebel against the Khmer Rouge.

The following radical Cham leaders were executed under the Khmer Rouge regime:

Haji Royal Official Res Lah, Director of the Muslim-Kampuchea [Association], arrested in 1975 in Mesar Prachan village, Mesar Prachann subdistrict, Peareang district, Prey Veng province;
Haji Sulaiman Shukry, First Deputy Director of the Muslim [Association], arrested in 1975 in Kohe village, Rokar Kaong sub-district, Muk Kampoul district, Kandal province;
Haji Math Sleh Slaiman, Second Deputy Director of the Muslim [Association], arrested and killed in 1976 in Bak Rotes village, Prek Luong district, Ek Phnom district, Battambang province;
Haji Math Liharoun, Director of Muslim-Kampuchea, arrested in 1975 in Cham Leu village, Prek Thmei sub-district, Koh Thom district, Kandal province;
Haji Srong Yusuf, an Islamic leader educated in Egypt, arrested and executed in 1975 in Mesar Prachan village, Mesar Prachan sub-district, Peareang district, Kandal province;
Toun Haji Ly Mussa, professor educated in Malaysia, executed in 1975 in Krauch Chhmar district, Kampong Cham province;
Man Set, Director of Muslim Youth (place and exact date of arrest and execution unknown);
Toun Haji Yusuf Avny, a professor educated in Saudi Arabia, arrested in 1977 in Pongro Ling village, Bak Snar sub-district, Baray district, Kampong Thom province;
Toun Haji Mohammad Kaji bin Mussa, advisor to the director of the Muslim [Association], arrested in 1974 and executed in 1975;
Toun Sulaiman bin Yusuf, professor educated in Egypt, arrested in early 1974 and executed in 1975 in a prison at Krauch Chhmar district, Kampong Cham province;
Toun Yakaup, a professor, arrested in early 1974 and executed in 1975 in a prison at Krauch Chhmar district, Kampong Cham province;
Toun Ismael Flahy, a professor, arrested in 1978 in Porpreng village, Porpreng sub-district, Chamkar Leu district, Kampong Cham province;
Toun Seh No, professor, arrested in 1978 in Svay Teap village, Svay Teap sub-district, Chamkar Leu district, Kampong Cham province;
Toun Eh Math, professor educated in Malaysia, arrested in 1975 in Porpreng village, Porpreng sub-district, Chamkar Leu district, Kampong Cham province;
Toun Haji Mohammad Ali, a professor educated in Saudi Arabia, arrested in 1974 in Akmok village, Cheyuau sub-district, Chamkar Leu district, Kampong Cham province;
Toun Haji Mohammad Tort, advisor to the director of the Muslim [Association] (no place or exact date of arrest);
Toun Haji Itris, advisor to the director of the Muslim [Association] (no place or exact date of arrest);
Haji Math Sen, professor (no place or exact date of arrest)
Some high-ranking Cham officials who died under the Khmer Rouge regime were:

El Brahim, Colonel of the Royal Military Police of Muk Kampoul district, deceased in Kandal province;
Math Slaiman, Colonel, commander of Brigade 5;
Chek Brahim, Lieutenant Colonel, commander of Battalion 182, died at Office S-21 (Tuol Sleng);
Ungkary Dauman, Lieutenant Colonel, Third Bureau of General Staff;
Aus Slaiman, people’s representative;
Haji Saleh Yahya, senator who died at Office S-21 (Tuol Sleng);
Ibrahim En Nhoul, leader of the FULRO Movement;
Soh Man, chief of the Cham Movement, died in Tbaung Khmum district, Kampong Cham province.
Before 1975, it was common for Cham villagers in Kampot, Sihanoukville, the Kampong Luong and Ponhea Leu districts of Kandal province, and Chrang Chamreh adjacent to Phnom Penh to speak both Khmer and Cham. However, in 1975, the Khmer Rogue absolutely prohibited conversing in the Cham language, and executed many old villagers, religious leaders, and teachers who spoke Cham. As a result, Cham living in these areas can no longer speak their own language, and after 1979, many young Cham had no knowledge of the Cham language.

In addition, the Khmer Rouge made every Cham, both young and old, change his or her name. The Khmer Rouge largely succeeded in this respect. However, the Khmer Rouge were not able to achieve their goal completely. In reality, when Cham relatives or family members were able to meet and talk with one another, they still used their original names. Also, young Cham often found it difficult to remember their new names and thus continued to use their birth names. The Khmer Rouge were not able to achieve their principle one hundred percent. In a situation where there were few people, once Cham relatives or family members had a chance to meet and talk to each other, they still could use their own original names. As often as not, young Cham found it harder to remember their new names. Therefore, they had to use their original names, like it or not.

Cham people throughout Cambodia were relocated and separated into small cells of four or five families. Some were made to live in cottages far from their villages, while others were sent to live in Khmer communities. The separation and relocation resulted Angkar’s categorization of them as “enemies of first type” (presumably those perceived to be against the revolution), “enemies of second type” (those who supported traitorous forces), and “enemies of third type” (the lowest class in a village). Enemies of these three types were portrayed as “new people,” who would suffer more mistreatment than those labeled “old” (those living in Khmer Rouge-liberated zones before 1975). Given the experiences of Svay Khleang and Koh Phal villages, where insurgencies occurred in September 1975, such deportation was a policy set up with the purpose of suppressing Cham villagers from rebellion.

The aim of the Khmer Rouge was not only to eradicate Islam, but also all other religions, which they perceived as reactionary. However, the implementation of actions aimed at sweeping out Cham and their religion was the Khmer Rouge’s primary goal. Sos Kamry was assigned by Angkar to take care of 400 children in Chey Yo sub-district, Chamkar Leu district, Kampong Cham province because the Khmer Rouge did not know his ethnicity. One day in 1977, Sos Kamy was summoned to a secret meeting held in Bos Knhaor village, 1st sub-district, Chamkar Leu district, Kampong Cham province. The meeting, attended by 40 people whom Angkar trusted, talked about plans to smash enemies. Sos Kamry heard people saying, “Enemies of the revolution are of numerous types, but the big enemy is the Cham. Thus, adhering to the plans, all Cham must be smashed before 1980.” Some time later, Sos Kamry read a book entitled The Advanced Cooperative Plan, in which he found a phrase declaring: “The enemy before us is Cham. Therefore, they must be smashed before 1980.” Pieces of evidence in certain places show that the Khmer Rouge intended to discriminate against Cham (e.g., Trea village, Kroch Chhmar district, Kampong Cham province). Early in 1976, the Khmer Rouge congregated those found guilty into a house mixed with Khmer people. All prisoners were asked only one question: “Are you Cham or Khmer?” Those who identified themselves as Cham went to one side, and Khmers the other. Finally, nearly all of the approximately 100 prisoners of Cham ethnicity disappeared. A women named No Satah claimed that she survived because she lied to the Khmer Rouge, telling them she was a Khmer.

Cham in most parts of Cambodia were killed. In addition, most Cham in Kampong Cham were relocated to malaria-prone areas within their own or Kampong Thom province. A number of Cham and Khmer who lived in or near Phnom Penh were relocated twice, first from Phnom Penh to the districts of Sa-ang, Koh Thom and Muk Kampoul on April 16-18, 1975, and after three or four months, again to Preah Vihear and Battambang provinces. Most Cham in Prey Nup district of Kampot province (the present-day Prey Nup sub-district, Sihanoukville) were evacuated to Kampong Speu and Kampong Chhnang provinces. Cham who lived around the Kampot provincial town were deported to the Touk Meas and Chhouk districts of Kampot. The alleged executions of 400,000 to 500,000 Cham occurred throughout Cambodia. It may be possible to conclude that each of the country’s mass graves include the bodies of Cham.

Extracted from:
-Searching for the Trust Magazine, Issue 13, January 2001, Page 19: "Ethnic Cham Under Democratic Kampuchea"

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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby fanaticus » Tue Jul 12, 2011 9:52 pm

Ga lawan Yahudi
Ga dapet duit dari Arab
Ga masuk tv
--------------------------- +

No jihad, no moslem brotherhood, no dizholimi.
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby swatantre » Tue Jul 19, 2011 8:11 am

Akar2 Islam di Kamboja (dari akar sejarah Kerajaan Campa) berhasil dibersihkan.
Ironisnya, kerajaan ini pula yang berhasil menyusupkan Islam dan melemahkan Majapahit hingga keruntuhannya.
Sejarah begitu ekstrem paradoksnya. MAka itu, memang kita harus mengenakan sikap JASMERAH sungguh2....
Tapi, seperti Islam di Kamboja yang berhasil dibersihkan hingga tak lagi jadi ancaman di abad 20 kemarin, di abad 21 inipun saya yakini Indonesia akan berhasil menyongsong kegemilangannya dengan dibersihkannya virus2 rabies ajaran barbar padang pasir...
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Re: Khmer Merah , Mesin Pembasmi Islam Dari kamboja

Postby Laurent » Wed Aug 15, 2012 10:02 pm

sudah saatnya myanmar juga thailand & filipina meniru taktik khmer merah kamboja saat menangani jihadis muslim cham
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